CIA Extraordinary Rendition Victim: Khaled El-Masri’s Statement
The following article was first published in my column at Investigative Science and Technology Journalist Ramola D’s media site at EverydayConcerned.net:
CIA Extraordinary Rendition Victim: Khaled El-Masri's Statement
Report by Cassandra 16th September 2020 BREAKING NEWS: this afternoon (16/09/2020), court reporter James Dolan…
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Report by Cassandra
16th September 2020
BREAKING NEWS: this afternoon (16/09/2020), court reporter James Dolan, reporting live on Julian Assange’s Extradition Case to the USA, has live tweeted from the court room a legal discussion over whether CIA Extraordinary Rendition victim, Khaled El-Masri’s Statement, is admissible in court. El-Masri has been prevented from reading his statement out-loud until both legal teams come to an agreement on this matter.
The persecution of Journalist & Wikileaks founder, Julian Assange, for maintaining a public database of leaked government documents from around the world including intelligence agencies and military crimes and corruption for public interest and historical record is typical of the lengths the US Government and CIA/FBI/DHS are willing to pursue Whistle-Blowers and Journalists exposing US Government Crimes Against Humanity.
Main-stream media and alternative media shills/gatekeepers have for the most part ignored leaks curated at Wikileaks concerning directed energy weaponry/non-lethal weaponry used also by local police enforcement and testimony from those extrajudicially targeted:
By no means does it provide full exposure of targeting crimes via directed energy weapons and neuro-weaponry curated at Wikileaks. For decades, a plethora of Whistle-Blowers which include innocent civilians inside and outside of USA have reported illegal surveillance abuses and covert persecution via counter intelligence operations (COINTELPRO) and Stealth-/Neuro-Weaponry Torture.
One of the only journalists who has continuously reported for the last seven consecutive years on illegal surveillance abuses and Extrajudicial Targeting Technologies (Weapons Use/Tests/Abuse) — Biometric Surveillance, Non Lethal Weapons, Neuroweapons torture domestically within the USA and globally is Science and Technology writer, Ramola D.
Assange’s public extradition case misleads the public into believing that a public trial and threat of life in solitary confinement is the only means of how governments pursue their targets. There are many other methods used against a target which include Extrajudicial Targeting Technologies (Weapons Use/Tests/Abuse) — Biometric Surveillance, Non Lethal Weapons, Neuroweapons Remote Access Torture. El-Masri’s statement summarizes his horrific rendition with examples of classic style torture that most people would think of when they consider torture.
However, journalist Ramola D has reported extensively from former intelligence agents’, scientists’, engineers’, medical professionals’ Whistle-Blower testimony, declassified documents, government surveillance abuses, and innocent civilians’ testimony and evidence to reveal in her compendium of articles the covert surveillance and technology used, including smear campaigns and COINTELPRO within the community, on innocent people targeted and tortured for non-consensual experimentation, profit, to silence truth, and slow kill:
Former CIA and FBI Whistle-blowers Barbara Hartwell and Geral Sosbee respectfully revealed in an interview last year with Ramola D:
“the true depredations of Surveillance Abuse still ongoing in this New Year of 2019, where the CIA, FBI, and DHS engage today in unconscionable acts of persecution and rights violations against targets of their ire using undisclosed “Electronic Supervision Technologies” and “Federal Location Monitoring” which include deadly directed energy weapons and Psychological warfare to isolate and neutralize American lives of integrity and conscience.” Ramola D Reports | Report # 106: CIA and FBI Whistleblowers Barbara Hartwell And Geral Sosbee Discuss The Truth About Surveillance Abuses
Both Assange’s and El-Masri cases of wrongful government pursuit of them, which have resulted in physical and psychological torture respectively, have been recognised by numerous human rights and press freedom organisations, and have been reported in mainstream and alternative media. Ramola D’s Memo to President Trump, last year, summarizes how millions of innocent targets around the world are being illegally persecuted and covertly tortured in their own home, mind and body which is being covered-up by governments, intelligence agencies, NSA, GCHQ, and the media, and ignored by human rights organizations too afraid to touch this terrifying subject matter: Once Again, A Memo to President Trump: Massive Surveillance State Abuses | Treason on the Ground, in the USA: Public-Private Partners in Targeted Killing of Americans
Below is a repost of, CIA rendition torture victim, Khaled El-Masri’s statement as posted on ACLU website which can be found here: https://www.aclu.org/other/statement-khaled-el-masri
Statement: Khaled El-Masri
Khaled El-Masri is a German citizen who resides near Neu Ulm, Germany. El-Masri was born in Kuwait in 1963 to Lebanese parents. He moved to Germany in 1985 to escape the Lebanese War. He became a German citizen in 1995, married in 1996 and has six young children. He is a carpenter by trade and prior to his abduction was employed as a car salesman. El-Masri was detained from December 31, 2003 through May 28, 2004 in Macedonia and Afghanistan where he was held in the CIA prison known as the “Salt Pit.” Currently El-Masri is unable to find employment.
WASHINGTON — I have come to America seeking three things: an acknowledgement that the United States government is responsible for kidnapping, abusing and rendering me to a CIA “black site” prison; an explanation as to why I was singled out for this treatment; and an apology, because I am an innocent man who has never been charged with any crime.
Almost one year ago the American Civil Liberties Union, on my behalf, filed a lawsuit against George Tenet, the former director of the CIA, other CIA officials and U.S.-based aviation corporations that owned and operated the airplanes used in my abduction. For reasons I do not fully understand, the court decided not to hear my case because the government claimed that allowing the case to proceed would reveal state secrets, even though the facts of my mistreatment have been widely reported in American and international media.
This is not democracy. In my opinion, this is how you establish a dictatorial regime. Countries are occupied, people are killed, and we cannot say anything because it’s all considered a state secret. Freedom and justice are disrespected, as are basic morals and values. And if you don’t keep quiet after you are abused, you are considered a threat to international or national security. But I will not be scared into being silent. I will continue to fight for this case until I prevail or until I die. And I will fight for morality, for principles, for the values I believe in, and for my family.
Here is my story. On December 31, 2003, I boarded a bus in Ulm, Germany for a holiday in Skopje, Macedonia. When the bus crossed the border into Macedonia, Macedonian officials confiscated my passport and detained me for several hours. Eventually, I was transferred to a hotel where I was held for 23 days. I was guarded at all times, the curtains were always drawn, I was never permitted to leave the room, I was threatened with guns, and I was not allowed to contact anyone. At the hotel, I was repeatedly questioned about my activities in Ulm, my associates, my mosque, meetings with people that had never occurred, or associations with people I had never met. I answered all of their questions truthfully, emphatically denying their accusations. After 13 days I went on a hunger strike to protest my confinement.
On January 23, 2004, seven or eight men entered the hotel room and forced me to record a video saying I had been treated well and would soon be flown back to Germany. I was handcuffed, blindfolded, and placed in a car. The car eventually stopped and I heard airplanes. I was taken from the car, and led to a building where I was severely beaten by people’s fists and what felt like a thick stick. Someone sliced the clothes off my body, and when I would not remove my underwear, I was beaten again until someone forcibly removed them from me. I was thrown on the floor, my hands were pulled behind me, and someone’s boot was placed on my back. Then I felt something firm being forced inside my anus.
I was dragged across the floor and my blindfold was removed. I saw seven or eight men dressed in black and wearing black ski masks. One of the men placed me in a diaper and a track suit. I was put in a belt with chains that attached to my wrists and ankles, earmuffs were placed over my ears, eye pads over my eyes, and then I was blindfolded and hooded. After being marched to a plane, I was thrown to the floor face down and my legs and arms were spread-eagled and secured to the sides of the plane. I felt two injections, and I was rendered nearly unconscious. At some point, I felt the plane land and take off again. When it landed again, I was unchained and taken off the plane. It felt very warm outside, and so I knew I had not been returned to Germany. I learned later that I was in Afghanistan.
Once off the plane, I was shoved into the back of a vehicle. After a short drive, I was dragged out of the car, pushed roughly into a building, thrown to the floor, and kicked and beaten on the head, the soles of my feet, and the small of my back. I was left in a small, dirty, cold concrete cell. There was no bed and one dirty, military-style blanket and some old, torn clothes bundled into a thin pillow. I was extremely thirsty, but there was only a bottle of putrid water in cell. I was refused fresh water.
That first night I was interrogated by six or eight men dressed in the same black clothing and ski masks, as well as a masked American doctor and a translator. They stripped me of my clothes, photographed me, and took blood and urine samples. I was returned to my cell, where I would remain in solitary confinement, with no reading or writing materials, and without once being permitted outside to breathe fresh air, for more than four months. Ultimately, I was interrogated three or four times, always by the same man, with others who were dressed in black clothing and ski masks, and always at night. The man who interrogated me threatened me, insulted me, and shoved me. He interrogated me about whether I had taken a trip to Jalalabad using a false passport; whether I had attended Palestinian training camps; and whether I knew September 11 conspirators or other alleged extremists. As in Macedonia, I truthfully denied their accusations. Two men who participated in my interrogations identified themselves as Americans. My requests to meet with a representative of the German government, a lawyer, or to be brought before a court, were repeatedly ignored.
In March, I, along with several other inmates, commenced a hunger strike to protest our confinement without charges. After 27 days without food, I was allowed to meet with two unmasked Americans, one of whom was the prison director and the second an even higher official whom other inmates referred to as “the Boss.” I pleaded with them to either release me or bring me to court, but the American prison director replied that he could not release me without permission from Washington. He also said that I should not be detained in the prison. On day 37 of my hunger strike I was dragged into an interrogation room, tied to a chair, and a feeding tube was forced through my nose to my stomach. After the force-feeding, I became extremely ill and suffered the worst pain of my life.
Near the beginning of May, I was brought into the interrogation room to meet an American who identified himself as a psychologist. He told me he had traveled from Washington D.C. to check on me, and promised I would soon be released. Soon thereafter, I was interrogated again by a native German speaker named “Sam,” the American prison director, and an American translator. I was warned that as a condition of my release, I was never to mention what had happened to me, because the Americans were determined to keep the affair a secret.
On May 28, I was led out of my cell, blindfolded and handcuffed. I was put on a plane and chained to the seat. I was accompanied by Sam and also heard the voices of two or three Americans. Sam informed me that the plane would land in a European country other than Germany, because the Americans did not want to leave clear traces of their involvement in my ordeal, but that I would eventually continue on to Germany. I believed I would be executed rather than returned home.
When the plane landed, I was placed in a car, still blindfolded, and driven up and down mountains for hours. Eventually, I was removed from the car and my blindfold removed. My captors gave me my passport and belongings, sliced off my handcuffs, and told me to walk down a dark, deserted road and not to look back. I believed I would be shot in the back and left to die, but when I turned the bend, there were armed men who asked me why I was in Albania and took my passport. The Albanians took me to the airport, and only when the plane took off did I believe I was actually returning to Germany. When I returned I had long hair and beard, and had lost 40 pounds. My wife and children had left our house in Ulm, believing I had left them and was not coming back. Now we are together again in Germany.
On International Day in Support of Victims of Torture 26 June 2019: The Continued DEADLY Silence of Journalists on Electronic Warfare used for Torture, Mind Control, and Bio-Hacking and Tracking of Knowingly Innocent Civilians in Western Democratic Countries and Worldwide
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